...
Libya was also active in this period in attempting to radicalise New Zealand’s Maoris and supporting the New People’s Army in the Philippines. Representatives of all these groups would show up periodically in Libya. Gaddafi also turned his attention to Fiji, inviting an anti-nuclear group for a conference.
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Libya was also active in this period in attempting to radicalise New Zealand’s Maoris and supporting the New People’s Army in the Philippines.
[source]
Some are glorifying that a Black migrant to Europe ends up dying for Putin's dirty supremacist war of invasion, occupation and annexation of another people's country, a war which is also a Nato proxy war that sees Western imperialism successfully bait Putin into a war of entrapment. We deplore and denounce this glorification for a number of reasons, not least that Putin's war is conducted totally by racist right-wing nationalist forces in an explicit manner.
Lenin was a revolutionary against Russian chauvinism and all chauvinism and racism, he was on-point when it came to oppressed peoples and their path towards liberation. Lenin inspired many oppressed peoples including the Pan-Africanist pioneer Marcus Garvey who called Lenin the greatest man in the world, and rightly so.
Putin's Ukraine war is the counter-opposite of Lenin in the explicit words of Putin himself when he made the speech explaining his war on Ukraine: "Soviet Ukraine is the result of the Bolsheviks’ policy and can be rightfully called “Vladimir Lenin’s Ukraine.” He was its creator and architect. This is fully and comprehensively corroborated by archival documents, including Lenin’s harsh instructions regarding Donbass, which was actually shoved into Ukraine. And today the “grateful progeny” has overturned monuments to Lenin in Ukraine. They call it decommunization. You want decommunization? Very well, this suits us just fine. But why stop halfway? We are ready to show what real decommunizations would mean for Ukraine."
This is not a war any Black person or any person should be invested in. The Ukrainians have been invaded and their land is being taken away in an overt act of colonialism by Putin, in a sense the Ukrainians have the moral high ground and it's understandable they get sympathy from people as invasion, occupation and colonial annexation is so immoral that it will garner some sympathies. However, no one should be going to fight on the Ukrainian side either as it is tainted by the strategic involvement of Nato.
On Putin's side you have the total control of very racist, right-wing and often far-right nationalists who control Russia annexed areas of Ukraine and the Russian state itself. Putin has long openly promoted anti-Black and racist politics across the world and saw it fit kidnap and weaponise a young Black gay woman - Britney Griner - for his war strategies and culture war against those opposing white supremacy racism.
Alexis Castillo must have noticed the endless senior and mass right-wing nationalist head jobs around him, did he share any of these reflections and observations with anyone? Did anyone encourage him to see that killing, injuring, maiming and dying for Putin's far-right project is perhaps something he should refrain from doing? We would be interested to hear from anyone who knew him if there were problems around this that he experienced or commented on. No one who goes to the Russian occupied areas of Ukraine can be unaware of the fact that it is controlled by racist and far-right oligarchs and nationalists unless they are drunk off the red-brown juice that befuddles their brains to mush.
That was not however the feeling in south Wales, which was experiencing at the same time ‘one of the most vicious outbreaks of racial violence that has yet occurred in Britain’. During a week of anti-black rioting, three men were killed and dozens injured, and the damage caused to property cost Cardiff council over £3,000 to repair. The rioting ‘left a scar on the race relations of the city which took more than a generation to heal’.18The trouble began in Newport. On 6 June 1919 a crowd collected when a black man was alleged to have made an offensive remark to a white woman. One account said he put his arm round her and was attacked by a soldier. There was a fight in which many people were hurt, crowds started smashing the windows of black people’s homes, and the occupants defended themselves with pokers and staves and fired warning shots over their assailants’ heads. Two houses in George Street were wrecked and ransacked by a mob of several thousands that smashed every window, tore out the window-frames, threw bedding and furniture, including a ‘valuable piano’, into a nearby railway siding, and set fire to them. In Dolphin Street, Chinese laundries and a Greek-owned lodging house were wrecked, as were black people’s houses in Ruperra Street and a restaurant in Commercial Road owned by a black man named Delgrada. Twenty black and two white men were arrested. Plain-clothes and mounted police were drafted into the town, but it took a baton charge to disperse crowds making fresh attacks on George Street boarding-houses. ‘We are all one in Newport and mean to clear these niggers out’,one rioter told a reporter.The scene in Newport, said the South Wales Argus, looked like the aftermath of an air raid: ‘Windows are smashed, furniture in the front rooms has been wrecked, blood-stains are visible.’
On 11 June, at Cadoxton near Barry, a 30-year-old demobilized white soldier named Frederick Henry Longman, a dock labourer by trade, accosted a 45-year-old seaman from the French West Indies named Charles Emanuel with the words ‘Why don’t you go into your own street?’ then punched him on the forehead. Three other white men joined in, one of whom began hitting Emanuel on the back with a poker. Emanuel took out a clasp-knife and stabbed Longman, killing him instantly. Emanuel was chased by a large crowd and arrested with the knife still in his hand; he was later found guilty of manslaughter and sent to prison for five years. After his arrest crowds gathered outside the police station, smashed the windows of black people’s homes, and ‘paraded the streets of Cadoxton looking for coloured men’ until the early hours of the morning. Next day, though extra police had been drafted in, there were attempts to wreck black people’s homes.
This was only the prelude to a much more determined and organized attack on Cardiff’s black community over the next few days. The whole of the city’s police force was concentrated in the cordoned-off area that The Times called ‘nigger town’; a company of the Welsh Regiment was secretly drafted into Cardiff and held in readiness; and the stipendiary magistrate was preparing to read the Riot Act. Contemporary reports make it clear that ‘Colonial soldiers’ (i.e. Australians) armed with rifles placed themselves at the head of the lynch mobs. ‘The methods adopted by the soldiers’, said one report, ‘were those of active service, and the men, after firing from the prone position upon the blacks, crawled back to safety.’ Some of these riflemen were in khaki or blue uniforms, others in mufti with medal ribbons. The Western Mail gave a vivid account of an attack on the former Princess Royal hotel in Millicent Street:Several Colonial soldiers present constituted themselves the ringleaders of the besieging party, which was largely made up of discharged soldiers . . .The door of the house was attacked and it was quickly burst in. Men crowded into the narrow hall and began to ascend the stairs . . .A revolver shot rang out, and with it the exclamation, ‘My God, I am hit!’ Five other shots quickly followed.The attackers dropped flat on their faces, crawling back and telling those behind to do the same. They held up a table as a shield, and the defenders backed to the wall of the room. ‘Once at close quarters, each of the surviving attackers took his man, and soon desperate struggles were in progress around the room.’ Meanwhile ‘others of the raiding party were . . . busily engaged in ransacking the premises. Kit-bags containing clothing were hastily abstracted, and there were willing “receivers” outside.’ After it had been looted the house was set on fire. It was in Millicent Street that 40-year-old John Donovan, wearing his Mons ribbon, was shot through the heart by A cornered Arab. Ibrahim Ismaa’il, a Somali seaman and poet who was living in Cardiff at this time, refers to the Millicent Street fighting in his remarkable autobiography, completed in 1928 and recently discovered by Dr Richard Pankhurst. A Warsangeli, from the eastern part of what was then the British Somaliland protectorate, Ismaa’il was between 18 and 23 years old and worked as a ship’s fireman. He and some companions had only just come to Cardiff:Shortly after our arrival the black people in Cardiff were at- tacked by crowds of white people .
A Warsangeli named ‘Abdi Langara had a boarding house in Millicent Street, right in the European part of the town. It is there that I used to have my dinner every day. ‘Abdi acted as a sort of agent for the Warsangeli, who left their money with him when they went to sea, and also had their letters sent to his place. As soon as the fight started, all the Warsangeli who were in Cardiff went to Millicent Street to defend ‘Abdi’s house in case it was attacked. But to me and to my best friend – who has since died in Mecca – they said: ‘You are too young to come, and you have never faced difficulties of this kind.’ We insisted, for we could not bear to stay away when our brothers were in danger of being killed, but our plea was of no avail . . .So we went to the Somali boarding house of Haadzi ‘Aali and there we waited, ready for an attack, as we expected that a crowd of white people might break in at any moment.In Millicent Street, the fight started at about 7:30 p.m. and lasted a fairly long time. Seven or eight Warsangeli defended the house and most of them got badly wounded. Some of the white people also received wounds. In the end, the whites took possession of the first floor, soaked it with paraffin oil and set it alight. The Somalis managed to keep up the fight until the police arrived. One of them was left for dead in the front room and was later carried to the hospital where he recovered; some escaped through a neighbouring house and came to tell us the story of what had happened, the others gave themselves up to the police, and we did not see them for a long time.
Crowds led by soldiers were surging from street to street wherever the cry of ‘blacks’ went up. One victim had a crowd of about 1,000 after him. The newspaper accounts are eloquent: ‘Always “the black man” was their quarry, and whenever one was rooted out by the police . . . the mob rushed upon him, and he got away with difficulty’ – amid cries of ‘Kill him!’ A black man spotted near the Wharf bridge was first insulted and then attacked by three whites, one of whom blew a whistle. This seemed to be an expected signal, because hundreds of persons rushed up from the neighbouring streets, including many women and girls, who had sticks and stones, and flung them at the unfortunate coloured man as they chased him along the street.Two men dragged out of their Bute Street house ‘fought desperately with frying pans and pokers’. A Somali priest, Hadji Mahomet, was prepared to face the mob, but his white wife pleaded with him to hide so he clambered up a drainpipe, hid on the roof, ‘and with true Eastern stoicism watched his residence being reduced to a skeleton’. A Malayan boarding-house in Bute Terrace was wrecked and the occupants, fleeing to the roof, were pelted with stones. In Homfray Street an Arab named Ali Abdul fired a revolver at his assailants; when he was arrested there were shouts of ‘Now we’ve got him!’ and ‘Lynch him!’ (Charged later with attempted murder, he ‘had some difficulty in walking into court owing to an injured leg, and he also bore evidence on his forehead of having received injuries’.) An Arab ‘caught and maltreated’ in Tredegar Street lay unconscious for a long time.One whom the lynch mob did succeed in killing, a young Arab named Mahommed Abdullah, died in hospital of a fractured skull after being savagely beaten in an attack on an Arab restaurant and boarding-house, used chiefly by Somalis, at 264 Bute Street. The mob charged down the street, threw stones into the building from both sides, and smashed the windows. Shots were fired from up- stairs. The mob surged in, and police arrived soon afterwards.
The inquest on Abdullah could not decide whether he had been hit on the head with a chair leg or a police truncheon. Hundreds of black people attended his funeral. Murder charges against six white men were dropped for lack of evidence. Some former members of the British West Indies Regiment were daring enough to go about the streets with their uniforms on, which afforded them some protection. But not much. One black ex-serviceman, described in a local paper as ‘a well-set-up young fellow’, ‘proved to be a brave man, and in perfect English appealed to the crowd not to molest him, but this did not prevent him receiving several blows’ before police escorted him away. For the most part however, in the words of the Western Mail, ‘the efforts of the police were confined to keeping the white men from damaging property’. Property being more important than people, the community under siege had two choices. They could leave the city; or they could turn their ghetto into a fortress. A few did leave, on the afternoon of 13 June: a sad little procession of seamen with kit-bags on their backs and sticks in their hands, escorted by police and followed by jeering crowds. The majority chose to stay and, if need be, fight.As crowds gathered again that evening in St Mary Street, Custom House Street, The Hayes, and the top end of Bute Road, the black citizens of Loudoun Square, Maria Street, Sophia Street, and Angelina Street ‘established quietly determined means of self- protection’. They posted sentries, loaded their guns, and left no one in doubt of their mood, as a South Wales News reporter who got through the police cordon testified:The coloured men, while calm and collected, were well pre- pared for any attack, and had the mob from the city broken through the police cordon there would have been bloodshed on a big scale, and the attacking force would have suffered heavily . . . Hundreds of negroes were collected, but these were very peaceful, and were amicably discussing the situation among themselves. Nevertheless, they were in a determined mood, and ready to defend ‘our quarter of the city’ at all costs. They had posted sentries at each entrance to give notice of the approach of any hostile crowd . . . An old resident of Loudoun- square told me that he and his wife had watched the negroes loading revolvers. They made no secret of it . . . As my informant put it, ‘There is enough arms and ammunition among them to stock an arsenal.’ Long-term black residents said: ‘It will be hell let loose . . .if the mob comes into our streets . . . If we are unprotected from hooligan rioters who can blame us for trying to protect ourselves?’ An outstanding leader of Cardiff ’s black community had emerged in the shape of Dr Rufus Leicester Fennell. A West Indian medically trained in the United States, he had survived 314 days of trench warfare and had been wounded three times while serving in Mesopotamia, where he had attended thousands of British troops. Lacking British medical qualifications, he had been practising as a dentist in Pontypridd. When the rioting started in Cardiff he went there.
Neil Evans, interviewing old people in Cardiff a few years ago, found that Fennell was remembered for his courage and intelligence: ‘During the riots he was said to have walked boldly into the centre of the town, despite warnings of the possible dire consequences of this action.’29 Aged 31, about six feet tall, well dressed and highly articulate, Fennell acted as the community’s spokesman in negotiations with the authorities; pressed the claims of those who wanted to be repatriated; told reporters ‘that it is absolutely necessary to grip the evil, and not to play with it’; and told one of several protest meetings held at the docks by West Indians, Somalis, Arabs, Egyptians, and ‘Portuguese subjects’ that it was their duty to stay within the law, but ‘if they did not protect their homes after remaining within the law they would be cowards, not men’.
By mid-September 600 black men had been repatriated. But not everyone involved wanted to be, and part of Cardiff ’s black population indignantly rejected the offer. What the chief constable, in a confidential report to Scotland Yard, called the ‘militant section’ insisted on their right as British subjects to get fair treatment and stay in the United Kingdom. And some of the militants, the chief constable added, ‘expressed their willingness to be repatriated but openly stated that it would only be for the object of creating racial feeling against members of the white race domiciled in their country’.32Two hundred of those who did want to be repatriated – Egyptians, Somalis, and Arabs – were sent to Plymouth by train, and Fennell went with them. It may have been Fennell who told the weekly paper John Bull how shamefully they were treated. They were penniless, but the tiny gratuity promised them was never paid. They were hungry, but were given nothing to eat on the journey. And when they went on board ship the staff were all off duty, the captain was asleep, and there was no food at all for them. ‘These coloured Britons had all done first-class war work’, commented John Bull, ‘yet they were treated worse than repatriated enemy aliens.’Soon afterwards Fennell was in London, complaining to MPs and the Home Office about the flaws in the repatriation process.
Some had been sent home before they were paid compensation for losses suffered in the riots; others, before receiving the back pay due to them. Fennell accused the Cardiff police of prejudice against black people and asked that police cease to supervise the departures. But the officials were unsympathetic. Soon after leaving the Home Office Fennell found himself under arrest on a trumped-up fraud charge. After being kept in custody in London for a while he came up in court in Cardiff on 22 July, accused of obtaining £2 by false pretences from Ahmed Ben Ahmed Demary, a boarding-house master. Fennell’s solicitor told the court that there was ‘a great deal at the back of the case’ and that ‘certain men were anxious to keep the accused in prison because of the way he had watched the interests of the coloured men’. The magistrate dismissed the charge. London was not spared sporadic outbreaks of anti-black – and anti-Chinese – rioting. On 16 April there was a ‘serious riot’ in Cable Street, Stepney. Shots were fired, a violent street fight took place, and several black seamen were injured.
On 29 May a seaman named William Samuel, described by a Colonial Office civil servant as ‘a burly negro, with an aggressive manner’,wrote from the Sailors’Home in St Anne Street, Limehouse, to the colonial secretary, complaining of attacks on black men in the London streets: ‘a sargeant of police said to us last night, why; We want you niggers out of our country this is a white man’s country and not yours.’ That same evening large crowds gathered outside the Strangers’ Home in West India Dock Road, cat-calling and insulting every black person who appeared and trying to force their way in. There were similar scenes outside lodging-houses used by black seamen. Outside the St Anne Street sailors’ hostel 29-year-old John Martin, a Jamaican on four weeks’ leave from the Royal Navy, was seized by the head from behind, knocked down by men armed with sticks, and kicked in the mouth. Alleged to have fired a revolver towards the crowd, Martin was arrested with injuries to head and face, and charged with wounding a ship’s fireman. He was found not guilty.
No. Here comes another kind of white supremacist colonial-created Indian boy, the nerdy geeky kid with the awkward body language and walk, top of his class in exams and grades, over-eager to please the teacher, the more white and rich and male the teacher the more crawling this Indian boy is to him. If that teacher abuses him and even makes fun of him in a racist manner, this particular Indian pupil wants the love of the white man even more, it doesn't matter what racist humiliation the system and people following it subjects him to, his desire to be white and have a career of riches enables him to eat-up the racist humiliation as the norm.
The Indian boy is weak and snivelling, easy to bully and beat up. He takes the beating and goes off quietly. He knows there's more important things than standing up for his own humanity, there is the possibility of sitting next to the colonial white man and once he is there at the pinnacle of his success in life, he can finally put-out what he has internalised: a deep hatred for anyone poorer and darker than he.
Rishi Sunak is at one time an East African Indian (Punjabi Hindu) heritage brown person, as well as one of the leading carriers of the British (brexit) type of growing white supremacy racism and fascism. Sunak is ready to eat-up the growing vicious racism against him only to try and prove to those who would love to lynch him Thomas Mair-style while shouting "britain first!" as the racist attacker hacks away at Sunak's face.
Sunak is ready to publicly lick the hand of the man who has put him deeper into the clutches of the growing racist lynch-mob - Boris Johnson. Boris is the Trump of the fascist masses, the nasty sleazy woman abuser and child/pregnancy-denier/terminator hero of the Brit masses.
Boris in his statement that he wasn't going for PM the other day openly sniped at Sunak basically blaming him for Boris' own inability and decision to attempt to become PM again. In so doing, Boris has exposed Sunak to his baying racist mob, and the fascist mob understood the cue perfectly and have been rabidly attacking Sunak as the "globalist", neo-nazi code for: 'loyal to the global Jewish bankers' who they argue control everything while far-right white-trash nationalist Vladimir Putin is the hero against the globalists!
Sunak is the embodiment of that pathetic Brit racist stereotype, a racist stereotype that is seeing classic old 1970s Brit racism to rise again as in the meme about the footwear being left at the doorstep of 10 Downing Street that has been spread widely by people across the political spectrum including Nato culture lickspittle Mehdi Hasan.
Sunak's response that like typical Indian boy who thirsts for white supremacy responds to the fascist mob who want him dead by trying to love them more by means of sacrificing the working classes at their feet but especially the most marginalised sections of the working classes: the immigrant, refugee, 'without papers'.
Sunak brings in a similar brown-skinned fascist nut job Cruella Braverman to lick the fascist mob with him in bringing back the 'Rwanda policy', one of the most fascist immigration policies we have seen since the Labour government in the late 1970s were conducting virginity tests on South Asian women at Heathrow Airport. Perhaps one shouldn't remind Sunak and Cruella of that lest to give them ideas.
Boris has played a good hand for himself: let the black and brown idiots take-up the poisoned chalice, let society collapse further by means of Tory race-class escalating wars, let things fall apart further and perhaps Boris will step-in later to save the day for Neo-Nazi Brexit Britain.
The trade unions aren't a worry, for the day Sunak takes the position of PM the RMT leadership do their own fascist advocacy and posture by cancelling their strike on Nov 9 at the feet of Brit militarist colonialism. Public sector workers in unions are struggling to adequately feed and clothe their children, heat their homes, the RMT second sellout in as many months indicates there is deep collusion between the trade union leaders and the Brit intelligence services and Tory state. Someone contact the Irish Republican parents and ancestors of Lynch and Dempsey to come and take these wayward scummy sellouts to the proverbial dark alley to do what the unrepentant Fenian Bhoys would suggest.
The Tories reflecting the system which they promote is in perpetual and deepening crises, but for the poorest and most exploited Black working classes have always lived in crises while for the ruling classes their riches continue to peak like at no other time in history. Considering the state of political affairs in the Tory community and its central growing racist anger against the new Black and Brown alliance of the PM and cabinet will be blamed by the fascist mob no matter how much Sunak & Co try to serve the fascist mob in the culture more with more fascism. All the while, the working class grassroots are sleeping as they are further crushed under it all.
There's nothing especially new to Kanye West's open association and collaboration with modern fascism in the form of the Donald Trump-led movement. Long-gone is the old Kanye West who was at one point against the genesis of the growing fascist threat in the midst of the brutal 'war on terror' / 'shock and awe' years. In Sept 2nd 2005 Kanye West nervously but correctly denounced George Bush that 'George Bush doesn't care about black people' in the context of the structural and institutional racism to the Katrina disaster and relief measures.
Kanye West is a very talented musician having helped to make further beautiful Hip-Hop music. He considers himself a genius, while we can all have our opinions to the extent of his creativity the point to be made here is that Kanye West clearly thinks of himself as genius who has failed to get the recognition he deserves and this dynamic has played upon his mental health in a negative and descending trajectory to say the least. His relationship with Kim Kardashian and its fall-out involving their children has added to his mental health challenges all in the context of his riches and the industry of narcissism and ego which is the upper echelons of the colonial entertainment industry. However, is his mental health really that bad to justify all of this utterly detestable postures?
Frankly the combination of failed relationships (possibly involving children), frustration with one's career paths, feelings that one isn't respected by society coupled with the growing fascist global community since the 1990s is an extremely common one. Whole swathes global populations since children and young pepole in this last few decades have been infiltrated with far-right views through on-line gaming, the endless YouTube far-right conspiracy videos and its connected leading advocates like David Icke, Prison Planet/Alex Jones and others.
Kanye West's descent into open fascist advocacy is common place amongst our peers. We have lacked effective anti-racist anti-fascist leaders and advocates for several years now which has created a growing fascist community which has great momentum and a very powerful world network and joint enterprise including Donald Trump, Brexiteers (especially the ERG group), leaders in Europe like Orban, Putin and others.
Reflecting back to his comments on Bush and Katrina, Kanye said in April 2020 that: "'This white person didn’t do something for us'. That is stemmed in victim mentality ... Every day I have to look in the mirror like I’m Robert De Niro and tell myself, ‘You are not a slave.’". While Kanye is correct narrowly that no-one is a slave in the humanity-affirming sense or that no one can be solely defined as a slave, the comment is actually meant to deny historic white supremacy (including enslavement by colonisers) and its contemporary forms.
Kanye doesn't, like many other oppressed people, want to be treated outside the framework of whiteness, but oppressed people don't have the power to just wish-away an objectively existing historic and current colonial system which still centrally uses white supremacy to facilitate its power and growing wealth from the labour and land of the world's oppressed and nature.
It seems instead of committing oneself in a collective struggle to counter act colonialism and white supremacy, Kanye has chosen to fold into modern fascism and seeks to benefit from it. Where else does Kanye have to go? Where is the modern movements and struggles anti-colonial black power struggles that Kanye can join that isn't attached to the other indirect wing of modern fascism - liberal imperialism? There isn't a place for him to go in this regards, it has to be constructed and someone like Kanye like everyone else in the establishment isn't going to be the one to lead it. This is a major crisis of our times.
In his frustrations and narcissism Kanye has denied white supremacy and instead done the classic far-right trick to then scapegoat another group of people generally kept outside the framework of whiteness by colonialism: Jewish people.
The establishment of the colonial settler state of Israel which has and continues to oppress and annex Palestinians and their land does not change the relationship of Jews to whiteness, what changes with the state of Israel in 1948 is a *Zionist* movement which has some influence amongst some Jews but like supremacism one has to totally resist right-wing/far-right naturalising or essentialising of an entire people who aren't in the realm of whiteness. Jews are an easy target for this for a number of reasons not least that due to their own oppression (something that is reflected in parts of the African heritage Black community) they are disproportionately represented in certain areas of society including the entertainment industry.
The anti-Jewish comments and postures of Kanye and his denial of anti-Black racism are often in the framework of far-right / Neo-Nazi politics two sides of the same fascist coin: “When you hear about slavery for 400 years that sounds like a choice.”
Kanye's well publicised and televised meeting with Donald Trump in the White House was another depressing occasion when Kanye says of the event: "There was something about when I put this hat on [MAGA hat] it made me feel like Superman. "You [Donald Trump] made a Superman - that's my favourite superhero - you made a Superman cape for me."
Kanye in the depths of his own confusions and ego sees an empowerment in attaching himself to Donald Trump and his political project, the dynamics of subservience to the 'white man' is rather loud and clear here. A denial of Black peoples experience of current and historic racism, an attachment to the most infamous figure and leader of global rising fascism and the attacks on an 'other' in the form of Jews and according to Kanye the 'false BLM narratives'. The BLM movement has a heavy dose of colonial liberalism to in in-part in terms of its funding and the way it places itself in the politics in world, there *is* a legitimate critique to be made of it from a more radical perspective that comes out of the traditions of the 'Black radical tradition' / 'Black marxism' / 'third world socialism / black socialism' etc. The attack on BLM and 'woke' politics however is hegemonised (totally controlled more or less) currently by the growing fascist community and as such is no critique at all as it's a totally bad faith approach with an agenda of manipulation and deceit at the service of the most vicious capitalist global ruling classes.
Reflecting Kanye's own cowardice to take responsibility for his own mistakes and to decide to look in the counter-opposite direction to the long standing black liberation movement and its liberation ideologies and the general ease by which people are slipping into the white supremacist fascist project the recent Kanye interview reflects something else about our times: too many are making excuses for people they know and their own descent into fascist madness. We have all experienced sitting together socially with friends and some mad fascist nonsense comes out of the mouths of one of our friends, perhaps against African people, or against Asian people, or against Jewish people or perhaps against more than one oppressed group of people. In these contexts often people allow the madness to pass without opposition or critical engagement. The same thing is happening here whereby people are making all kinds of twisted and nonsensical excuses for Kanye's sell out. If the root base of your stuff is bat-shit crazy fascism then everything else that might have a drop of truth in it is just materiel for the bat-shit crazy fascism.
Cowardice and sellout at the feet of growing fascism is the buzz of our era. It's where people seem to want to be as they think everything else is just a bit of an effort not worth making for whatever cheap and expedient excuses they give themselves. A few of us will not submit, and like the sellouts we too can clearly see what's going on it's just that we aren't going to sellout to the mass collapse into global fascism and racism. Some of us know our traditions that lead to liberation, and we know what leads to our further oppression.
East Ham and Waltham Forest are Pakistani Punjabi, Luton is Kashmiri Muslim, Southall is Punjabi Sikh, and Tower Hamlet is Bangladeshi. Each walled off their neighbourhoods to other immigrants.
The first petrol bomb was lobbed through the windows of the Shri Pragati Mandir in Birmingham’s inner-city area Sparkbrook. Fire burned through the carpet at the Krishna Temple in Coventry, and the doors of the Veda Temple run by the Vishva Hindu Parishad were damaged in a blaze. The Shri Krishna Temple in West Bromwich, among the largest in the UK, was gutted in a similar attack. A Hindu priest in Derby had a narrow escape when his temple was firebombed.
Earlier that week in December 1993, the Babri Masjid had been demolished by Hindu karsevaks. Iqbal Sacranie—among the key figures in the anti-Salman Rushdie movement that exploded across England in 1988—alleged some Hindus in Bradford had distributed sweets. The wave of fire-bombings across the Midlands and North of England—the first attacks on religious institutions in England since Luftwaffe bombs tore apart historic churches in 1942—was meant as revenge.
The still-simmering Hindu-Muslim violence in Leicester, mainly pitting young ethnic-Gujarati Hindus against young Gujarati Muslims, judging by details so far released by the police, should provoke introspection on why homeland hatred casts such a dark shadow overseas. Toxic competition between Islamism and Hindutva has sharpened communal battle lines in England, but the tensions aren’t new. Thirty years ago, Hindus and Muslims exchanged petrol bombs in Blackburn after a cricket match—exactly as they have now done in Leicester.
Allah-o-Akbar, Jai Shri Ram: The aggressive displays of religious identity by young men in Leicester is the product of the self-segregation of England’s South Asian diaspora into ethnic-religious ghettos. The ghettoisation has ended up reproducing the dysfunctional Hindu-Muslim relationship in the homeland.
Leicester’s communal walls
Fifty years ago, following what he claimed were instructions from God given to him in a dream, dictator Idi Amin Dada ordered the mass expulsion of Uganda’s mainly Gujarati Indians. Within three months, some 50,000 people were forced to leave their homeland for the UK and Canada. Even the 8,000 or so Indians Amin’s laws theoretically allowed to remain were threatened by being dispatched to dig shambas, or vegetable gardens, or with mass deportation to the waste-lands of Karamoj.
Ever since the completion of the colonial trans-Uganda railway in 1902, the Gujaratis had come to occupy a critical position in the economy, selling consumer goods in the country and shipping out cotton and coffee to ports. The Indians earned great wealth, historian Vali Jamal has written, but their fortunes earned them the hatred of Ugandan Africans.
Leicester, which had grown a small East African Gujarati population through the 1960s, seemed an attractive destination. But the Labour-led city council, conscious of the sentiments of its White working-class constituency, proved less than welcoming. “In your own interests and those of your family,” an advertisement by the council bluntly proclaimed, “[do] not come to Leicester.”
The arrival of the Ugandan Gujaratis had been preceded by a deepening of racial fractures across the United Kingdom. Enoch Powell, a prominent Conservative politician, prophesied in an inflammatory 1968 speech of the coming race war. Edward Heath, who became prime minister in 1970, promised to control immigration, but the far-Right grew steadily through the decade, culminating in pitched battles with police in 1977.
South Asian self-segregation
Even though Leicester now celebrates itself as the UK’s most diverse city, the self-image is deeply problematic. Educated, relatively-affluent Hindus immigrants from East Asia soon began to move out of the Highfields neighbourhood into the White working-class Belgrave. Belgrave Road—site of the so-called Golden Mile, where the recent clashes took place—rapidly grew into a thriving business hub. Working-class Highfields remained mired in poverty, as industrial Leicester imploded in the 1980s.
Three decades ago, scholars Deborah Phillips and Valerie Karn observed “the spatial polarisation of Hindus and Muslims in Leicester.” Each urban ward had evolved clusters around markers of religious identity, like temples and mosques. The new enclaves, research on Gujarati immigrants by anthropologist Kenneth Hahlo showed, sometimes mirrored homeland divisions right down to the level of village and caste.
East African Hindu estate agents and solicitors grouped together to block other immigrants from buying into their new enclaves, Phillips and Karn wrote. The discrimination wasn’t one-way. “Muslims,” they recorded, “have been have been known to refuse council house offers because of the proximity of Hindu tenants.”
The same segregation process, scholar Apurba Kundu has observed, was evident elsewhere in the UK. East Ham and Waltham Forest in London are Pakistani Punjabi, Luton is Kashmiri Muslim, Southall is Punjabi Sikh, and Tower Hamlet is Bangladeshi. Each community grouped together as protection against White racism, but also walled-off its neighbourhoods to other immigrants.
Following 9/11, new conflicts emerged. Muslims registered consistently lower attainment in education and employment than other groups, official data showed. They blamed it on religious discrimination. Hindus and Sikhs complained that counter-terrorism programmes provided disproportionate funding for Muslim groups.
A toxic competition
Leicester’s complex demographics helped fuel communal competition. In 2001, some 15 per cent of the population was Hindu, and 11 per cent Muslim. In the 2011 census, the percentage of Hindus remained similar, and still does today. But the Muslim population share went up to 18.6 per cent, driven by the arrival of Somali and Kurdish immigrants. Immigrants of Indian origin remained the largest single block—28.3 per cent —and Gujarati the most-spoken language after English. Islam and Hinduism, though, became competing categories for State patronage.
The competition, the work of scholar Sean McLoughlin shows, expressed itself in a surge in applications for the construction of religious sites in Leicester. Funding from the Leicester city council also ended up reinforcing particular constructions of identity—for example, Garba events—over trans-community projects, like youth football.
For the children of the diaspora, lacking the wider cultural context and linguistic affiliations of their parents, religious identity had become the principal marker of identity.
Large-scale proselytising activity by homeland fundamentalists tore through the diaspora in the coming decade. The now-internationally proscribed terrorist, Masood Azhar Alvi, visited the United Kingdom in 1993, lecturing at mosques on “jihad, its need, training and other related issues.” Large numbers young people from the UK travelled for training at jihad camps in Pakistan, up to the 7/7 bombings of London’s transport system.
The Hindu-nationalist movement also grew dramatically in the United Kingdom through this period, political scientist Chetan Bhatt has recorded. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) units—first founded overseas by Jagdish Chandra Sharda in 1947, on a Kenya-bound ship—slowly grew across the United Kingdom. Long struggles to build Hindu temples, notably the Swaminarayan Mission in north London and Bhaktivedanta Manor at Letchmore Heath, helped mobilise a new generation of Hindu immigrants around faith.
Few of the leaders of South Asian communities understood the dangers of these divisions in the 1980s. Faced with race tensions in the 1970s, the British State had turned to multiculturalism—outsourcing its engagement with issues of identity to political contractors who gained their status from their communal constituency, not advocacy of the wider community. Instead of the political and social equality they were seeking, ethnic and religious minorities ended up getting institutional patronage to maintain their differences.
The violence in Leicester will empower no-one except White supremacists, who’ve long argued immigrants import their homeland conflicts. For decades, Leicester’s Gujarati immigrant families struggled to overcome their traumatic exodus from Uganda. Their children, blinded by hatreds they barely understand, seem determined to walk into the trap they’ve laid for themselves.
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- Another wave of strikes after the historic sellout
- Chris Kaba campaign collapse demoralises potential of Black resistance
After the unilateral undemocratic decision of the RMT, ASLEF, CWU leadership to call off strikes in respect to the monarchy and its handover, the trade union strikes have started-up again. The sellout of the strikes for the British monarchy is one of the most glaring sellouts of the left ever in history up there with the support of the 1stWW by Brit 'socialists' and the sellout of the nine-day 1926 General Strike and the year-long 1984 Miners Strike by the Labour Party and TUC (there's a hint as to which forces hold back the workers in collaboration with the ruling classes).
Knowing what happened with the sellout to the monarchy and then the strikes re-starting by the same sellout leadership leaves us in a strange position, we have no actual left in this country who has the capacity or ideological ability to take stock of what happened, popularise it and then act on it to improve the class struggle. Nevertheless, despite all these massive limitations it's a good thing not a bad thing that workers in trade unions are back mobilised in the streets and on picket lines. The problem is that people should clearly now know that they have a very corrupt sellout leadership who don't want a real fight against the tory state but want to protect their big salaries. The RMT sold-out the P&O dispute in front of everyone's faces and hardly anyone has said a thing.
Why do Brit workers accept and cover-up the sellout culture of the TU leadership? Partially it's because they share the racism and brit nationalism and careerist grift of the TU leaders and union structures. Mick Lynch openly argued in favour of prioritising former brit soldiers as RMT members above anyone else in a recent interview (see here). Another reason so many are so accepting is because people are increasingly desperate for hope that something will work for them. So they suspend critical faculties and become a little religiously delusional to some extent. We had the same dynamic played-out so graphically and tragically in the Corbyn years.
Due to the deep internalisation of Brit state racism and colonialism on the left the strike wave brings out the entire white left onto the protests and picket lines. Black and brown people are generally squeezed out of left culture, trade unions and organisations so you have a massive disproportionate presence of white people and an equally disproportionate absence of black and brown people in the strike wave movement.
The black radical grassroots were and still are to a lesser extent ready to mobilise around the police shoot-to-kill of Chris Kaba. However, the state and counter-revolutionary forces mobilised and the campaign for Chris Kaba has basically ground to a halt with no process and strategy of street protests and mobilising the community. To add to that the Chris Kaba spokesperson Jefferson Bosela stated on a 'twitch' session hosted by Michael Morgan on Weds 28 Sept that he had a meeting with London Met Police chief Mark Rowley and that Rowley had asked Bosela to keep that meeting secret, Bosela said on the twitch event that he would respect Rowley's request for secrecy. To meet the chief of racist and misogynistic torturers, rapists and killers which is the London Met Police chief and have the meeting in secret and keep the details from the community is indicative of the current low-point in the campaign.
Black and brown communities have no leadership, organisations and very little voices that can build towards the kind of movements we need to develop the entire working class struggle as only the most oppressed and militant workers can lead and fight and they are the Black and brown working classes. We have the most radical class struggle traditions in this country from William Cuffay and his leadership of the Chartists, through to oppressed Irish people radicalising the working class movement in Britain through to Black and Brown working class youth leading the resistance against the state especially in the uprisings from 1979 to 1981 and of course the Aug 2011 uprising across the country.
Then there is the sorry and pathetic sight of small number of farright forces who use and abuse Hinduism and their mirror-opposites using and abusing Islam mobilised a few youths respectively against each other in Tommy Robinson and the Brit state's dream in Leicester with a similar stupid incident in Birmingham. South Asian communities are largely hostile to this nonsense and a small group of idiots supported by a few leftists especially the reactionary role of Amrit Wilson backing the far-right using and abusing Islam should not be seen to represent anyone but their own sectarian and opportunistic agendas.
The collapse of the Chris Kaba campaign and the sectarian antics which play neatly into the agenda of Tommy Robinson /Brit state in Leicester and the inability of Black and Brown communities to mobilise against and way beyond this into a struggle for Black Power socialist struggle remains a challenge that we cannot yet fulfil. For our part we in the MXM are mobilising public in-person events after a hiatus of two years to discuss exactly these issues on Fri 28th Oct 630pm at the London Irish Centre in Camden with leading grassroots trade unionists and anti-colonial socialist fighters and organisers on the platform.
